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dux and redeemer to himself, while introducing coinages like "altruism" and "positivism" that became current in all political schemes styling themselves "progressive," not least Marxism, that pit an agenda against individual conscience. In The New Science of Politics 1952, Voegelin writes of Comte's politico religious projection that:There were provided in it honorific degrees of . . . immortality, and the highest honor would be the reception of the meritorious contributor into the calendar of positivistic saints. But what should in this order of things become of men who would rather follow God than the new Augustus Comte? Such miscreants who were not inclined to make their social contributions according to Comtean standards would simply be committed to the hell of social oblivion. The idea deserves attention. Here is a gnostic paraclete setting himself up as the world immanent Last Judgment of mankind, deciding on immortality or annihilation of every human being. Collected Works V. 5 194.The construction of a Third World, an idea indispensable to postmodern discourse soi disant, closely resembles prior quasi religious constructions such as the Joachitic "Third Realm," the Liberal Socialist "Third Way," the Neo Conservative Libertarian "Third Wave," or the National Socialist "Third Reich." The putative Third World identity is inextricably tied to victimary claims, which sanctify and elect the claimant, whether he stakes the claim himself or has it staked for him by some supervisor. "Just as in the Nineteenth Century," writes Paul Johnson of what he calls in Modern Times 1982 "the Bandung Generation," "idealists had seen the oppressed proletariat as the repository of moral excellence and a prospective proletarian state as Utopia so now the very fact of a colonial past, and a non white skin, were seen as title deeds to international esteem" 477. Johnson, whose analysis is consistent with Voegelin's, points out "the political religiosity" 477 of early "Third World" discourse in the speeches of Nehru, Sukarno, Sihanouk, Nkrumah, and the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem at the Afro Asian Conference in the Indonesian city of Bandung in 1955. Sukarno said on the occasion