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persons of color.)According to Chris Stearns, the former head of Seattle's Human Rights Commission, history hasn't always been kind to minorities when it comes to the creation of electoral districts; elections can be influenced by the lines mapmakers draw, and minority voices can be silenced. "That's really what the concern is rooted in," says Stearns, who's pushing for a study of just what Seattle has gotten itself into with its new districts. The nearly 80 year old Morrill is no stranger to his craft. He served as the Special Master to the federal court ordered redistricting of Washington state in 1972, and advised the state of Mississippi on its own redistricting efforts for racial fairness from 1977 to 1983 just two notable landmarks in a geography career that has spanned half a century.Pressed on the fairness of his map, Morrill is unflinching. "It's very fair," he says. Typically, if you wanted to disenfranchise a minority, you would draw the district lines to split the group to prevent it from voting as a single politically effective bloc. "I was very careful not to break up any ethnic populations," Morrill says. "I think the right minority could win in any of the districts."Along with making sure all districts were within 1 percent of each other in overall population and keeping traditional neighborhoods intact, Morrill says achieving racial fairness was his top priority.There's no question that Seattle's new districts do not break up the city's ethnic strongholds. The only potential problem: Seattle only has one of them.As Stearns sees it, a city with a minority population of 33